Kings Own Yorkshire Light Infantry, 9th Battalion, Service No. 5135
Born: 20th February 1897. Died: 19th March 1986.
Story
Edward was the seventh out of eight children born to James Burley and Mary Ann Townsend, both born in Kippax. A 5 ft 6″ Lance Corporal in the Kings Own Yorkshire Light Infantry, 9th Battalion, Service No. 5135, he enlisted 11th December 1915. The army noted he had slightly flat feet, and a two inch mole on his right shoulder. On the 2nd June 1916, Edward was promoted to Lance Corporal, but was captured on the 13th March 1917, listed as missing in action on 17th March, and he was officially confirmed to be a prisoner of war in Germany on the 3rd June 1917. After seven months of internment, Edward managed to escape from his German Camp, and arrived back home in Kippax on 4th November 1917. A concert was held in his honour at the Alhambra Picture House, where he was awarded a Gold Watch by the Kippax Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Comforts Club. His older brother William Burley also survived the War, but was killed in an accident on 7th February 1919 at Clipstone Training Camp, near Mansfield, returning from the War. Edward went on to marry Lily Hudson in Kippax on 18th August 1919, and moved to Harrogate in the 1950s, continuing his father’s trade as a Butcher, before finally moving to Boroughbridge where he passed away in 1986, aged 89. Lily, Edward’s wife of 67 years, passed away 4 days after him.
The stories of his return, which were covered in the press, are transcribed below:
Castleford & Pontefract Express, 30th November 1917A very successful Kippax concert
A very successful concert was held on Wednesday night at the Alhambra Picture House, Kippax, in behalf of the Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Comforts Fund. Mr. J.H. Hollis presided and Lance-Corpl. E. Burley, an escaped prisoner of war from Germany, was also on the platform. During the interval a presentation was made to Lance-Corpl. Burley by M.W. Lister, taking the form of a beautiful illuminated address and gold medal. Lance-Corpl. Burley very heartily thanked the committee and the public for their kindness, and said no doubt some present would be expecting to hear something from him respecting his experiences, but he was not in a position to say anything further than he was glad to be back amongst them. The address was as follows: “Kippax and Ledston Luck Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Comforts Fund presented to Lance-Corpl. Ed. Burley in recognition of his escape from a German Prison Camp on October 8th. Crossed the Frontier on Oct. 13th, arriving at Kippax Nov. 8th 1917” etc. The programme was contributed to by Misses E. Smith and D. Radcliffe; Messrs. J. J. Wallis, J. T. Limbert, H. Goff, H. Humpherson, C.C. Hogg, E. Robinson, H. Carr and Moakes.
Castleford & Pontefract Express, 7th December 1917
Kippax Youth’s Escape from Germany
Our photograph [above] is of Lance-Corporal E. Burley, of the K.O.Y.L.I. son of Mr. James Burley, butcher, of High Street, Kippax, who reached his home recently after making a daring escape from Germany. He enlisted in 1916, and was captured soon after being in France. He and three other prisoners managed to elude their guardsmen in a German prison camp on Oct. 8th and travelling by night and hiding by day, they reached the frontier on the 13th, and reached England from Holland. The Kippax and Ledston Luck Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Comforts Fund Committee last week made a presentation of an illuminated address and gold watch to the gallant non-commissioned officer in recognition of his escape, as recorded in our last issue.
Private Burley’s reluctance to reveal his experiences would have been a request from the Army. Before the Armistice was signed on 11th November 1918, all repatriated prisoners were interviewed by the Committee on the Treatment of British Prisoners of War. The Committee appointed examiners who conducted interviews with prisoners of war to ask about how they had been treated, enquire as to whether they had been forced to build weapons or shells for the Germans which would have been used against our forces, glean any information about the enemy which might assist the army in its war efforts, and also to determine whether they were genuine prisoners of war or simply deserters. The examiners then wrote up the reports.
Edward Burley’s testimony to the committee has now been found, and the full story of his capture and experiences as a prisoner of war can now be read.
Name, Rank, No. and Reg’t. Burley, Edward, Lance-corporal, No. 5135. 2nd/ 5th Batt. K.O.Y.L.I.
Home Address. High Street, Kippax, Leeds
Place and Date of Capture. Miramont. March 13th, 1917.
Nature of Wound, if any. Not wounded.
I am 20 years of age, and was employed prior to the war by my father, who is a butcher.
At the time of capture I was with a reconnoitring party of seven men. We went too far behind the enemy’s barbed wire, and were surrounded and taken prisoners. Three of our men were wounded. All these seven men belonged to the same regiment as myself; but I do not know the names of any of the others excepting Private Sales, who was wounded, as my comrades belonged to a new draft and had only come into the line the previous evening.
I saw no infractions of the ordinary laws of warfare. As soon as we were captured we were taken by the Germans to their headquarters. We were made to march a distance of about 6 kilometres. It was men belonging to a Bavarian regiment who, I believe, took us prisoners. They treated us well, and on the journey back to headquarters they gave us some water, also coffee, but nothing to eat. As soon as we reached the headquarters the wounded men had their wounds dressed and were then sent off to hospital; the remainder of us spent the night in the headquarters. The next morning, after receiving some bread and having been given some coffee, we were put on a train to travel to Cambrai. The journey [14 March 1917] lasted about a couple of hours. We travelled in ordinary trucks. By this time we had been joined by five other British prisoners and a number of French prisoners.
Cambrai Citadel. March 14 – May 23, 1917
On arrival at Cambrai we were taken to the citadel, where I should think there were about 500 British and 500 French prisoners, as well as a number of Russians, who were in separate barracks. After I had been here a couple of days a draft of about 200 British were sent into Germany, leaving, therefore, only about 300 in the camp.
I do not know the name of the commandant or the second in command, but they did not treat us at all badly. The bedding consisted of dirty straw laid on a brick floor, very verminous, without blankets or even overcoats, as soon as we arrived at this camp our leather jerkins (fur coats) were taken from us. After the 200 British prisoners had been removed we had ample space and the barracks were by no means over-crowded. The British were kept separate from the French, the only exception being that the French were allowed to mix with us in the yard. There was only one stove in our barrack, in which were about 100 men, and this was not nearly sufficient. We washed under a tap. There was a trough where we managed to wash sometimes, but this was not really permitted. There were quite a large number of taps and plenty of water. We were not given any soap. The sanitary arrangements were all right. We were employed working behind the lines – twice we were under artillery fire – and I should say that at that time we were only about 5 kilometres back; in the ordinary way, however, we worked about 10 kilometres behind the line. We were employed in unloading gravel for making roads from barges on the canal. We left Cambrai at about 7 a.m., after having been issued with our bread ration, which comprised about a quarter of a loaf (I should think about ½ lb.), and which was very heavy, but quite eatable, and was of the same quality as that issued to the Germans themselves, and some coffee made of baked barley and acorns. We arrived at our destination at varying times; some days we worked a long way behind the lines; the next day we went closer and therefore had a longer walk. Generally, we got to the place where we were to work at about 9 a.m.; we went on until 12, when we stopped for half an hour for dinner, which consisted of a piece of bread brought with us from the camp in the morning, no soup nor anything to drink. At 12:30 p.m. we resumed work and went on until about 4 p.m., when we marched back to the barracks. On returning to the huts we were given dinner consisting of soup made from barley or carrots, sometimes there was meat in it, and often we found shrapnel in the meat, showing that it was horseflesh; and after about 1½ hours we were given another portion of soup.
Whilst we were out at work the sentries took good care to make us work. If they told us to get on with our work, and we answered them back or left off working for a few minutes, they thought nothing of giving us a knock with their rifle. There was always an N.C.O. in charge of the guards, but as this man changed nearly every day, I cannot say anything about any particular one, or give any names. The pay was supposed to be 3d. a day, but I never received but one lot of pay and that was given to me in French money just before I was sent into Germany, the result being that it was quite useless to me and I could not spend it. We were supposed to be paid every ten days. I never heard of anyone being forced to make munitions in this district; as a matter of fact, the French will do this work, but the British never will.
If it had not been for the French civilians giving us food as we went along the roads to and from work we should most certainly have starved. If the sentries saw us make a movement out of the ranks to get food, they would immediately make a jab at us with their rifles, but conditions here were not so bad as at Moretz, where if a man stepped out of the ranks he was immediately shot. I heard about this from men whom I had met at Minden, and who had themselves been working at Moretz and had with their own eyes seen comrades of theirs shot for moving from the ranks.
I did not get any parcels while at Cambrai, and there was no canteen where, even if we had the money, we could buy food, and the consequence was that we got very thin and weak. The Germans did not supply us with any clothing, and as we had to work in all weathers, conditions were very hard. Our clothes used to get drenched through, but still we had to go back to barracks and sleep in them. It was terribly cold also, especially without our fur coats. We asked for clothing, but never got any. All nationalities were treated alike. For punishment for disobeying orders or anything of that kind we were made to stand on parade for three hours, learning how to salute in the German manner. There were no facilities for exercise, although as a matter of fact we did not require any. Smoking was allowed outside the barracks. There was never any epidemic. There was a hospital; the building stood next door to our barracks, but I was never in it. My chum worked there nearly every day, and he came off pretty well, as he was given any food which the German wounded in there did not want, but I cannot say much about it, as I was never in it myself. We never had any religious services. We were allowed to write letters. I sent two cards and a letter, but only the letter reached home, at the end of ten weeks. I did not receive any parcels or letters in return. On your cards and letters the name of the camp was given as Wahn, but it is quite useless sending parcels to this camp, as the men never receive them; at any rate, they never arrive while the men are actually there. The parcels, too, which are addressed to this camp go wandering round, and the reason it takes months to get a parcel via this route; the reason of this is that before parcels can get back to Wahn the man has been moved probably two or three times, the parcels come through, are sent from Wahn to the camp we originally go to, and from there they again have to be readdressed.
Journey. May 23-25 1917.
On the 23rd May, with the remainder of the British, we were sent in third-class carriages to Münster. We had one day’s rations with us, and although the journey lasted two days we were not given anything else either to eat or drink. The guards treated us all right on the way. I did not notice any of the German Red Cross. On this journey we were joined by about 300 prisoners who had also been working behind the line at Moretz. Some of these men had been taken prisoner eight months previously, but up to that time had not received any parcels. As I have already mentioned, it is quite useless to send parcels to Wahn, and this was further proved to me by what these men told me. They spoke about having seen comrades of theirs shot for falling out of line to get some bread from the civilian population. Although we had been badly treated when working behind the line, we had not been nearly so badly used as these men, who looked starved and ill, and who were so weak that they could scarcely stand.
Münster III. May 25-30 1917.
On the 25th May I arrived at Münster and was sent to what is known as Münster III. The accommodation was good. We had mattresses and blankets. We were issued with a bowl of soup twice a day, and were further helped by the British Help Committee; this is a committee established to help newly captured prisoners by giving them food. Although I was only in the camp five days I received three packets of biscuits from this committee. As I was here only such a short time, I cannot say much about the place, but I was fairly comfortable and the food was better than we received at Cambrai. We were not given quite as much bread, but our supply was supplemented by the older prisoners who were receiving bread from Switzerland. I do not know the name of the commandant.
After I had been at Münster four days I was lined up with the other 300 prisoners who had come with me from Cambrai and the 200 who had joined us on the journey. We were stripped, examined, and sounded by the doctor, who told all but 40, who were sent away to hospital, that they were fit for work and would be moving on the morrow. Accordingly, on the 30th May a party of nearly 500 of us were sent away to Minden. The journey was a short one and only lasted a few hours.
Minden. May 30-July 9 1917.
On arrival at Minden we were put into huts. There were prisoners of different nationalities in these huts, but we were separated by means of partitions. There were about 2,000 prisoners in one block: 500 British, 500 French and 1,000 Russians. We were allowed to mix with the men of other nationalities when walking about in the square.
I do not know the name of the commandant or the second in command, who had the reputation of being strict but not cruel. We were divided up into companies of about 25, and a British lance-corporal was in charge of each party, with a German sergeant-major in charge of the whole block. The sergeant-major thought nothing of giving us a kick or a knock with his bayonet for any slight offence.
The food at this camp was terrible, and I have seen as many as a dozen men dying in a day through lack of nourishment. I noticed that more Russians died than men of other nationalities, but there were also a very large number of British in the hospital. 166 of the 500 men who came with me to this camp went sick in one day. We were allowed to go and see the doctor, but he never did anything for us, with the exception, perhaps, of letting us off work for a day or two. There were no medicines in the hospital. I heard that many British in some of the other blocks were dying through hunger, but I personally did not see any, although I helped to make quite a number of coffins. The conditions here, especially as regards food, were ten times worse than at Cambrai, and as far as I know scarcely anyone received any parcels. There were a very few prisoners in the camp who had been there some time, and were in consequence getting parcels, but they had as much as they could do to keep themselves, and naturally, if they had anything to spare they collected it together and sent it up to the hospital for the men in there.
Minden is a punishment camp and is now being converted into a camp for N.C.O.’s only. The washing facilities were very good, and we could bath every day if we liked, and this was the first place where we really got rid of the vermin with which we had become infested. Our clothes were fumigated once a fortnight. We had a mattress and two blankets each. The barracks were not overcrowded and the ventilation was good. By this time the weather was quite hot, so that I cannot say anything about the heating arrangements. The latrines were good. We were employed occasional days. There were four companies at this barrack: two French and two British. One company a day went out to work, which meant that we went out once every four days. The work generally was reclaiming land, fetching wood into the lager, collecting tins, cleaning the barracks, etc. The hours were from 5:30 to 10:30 and from 2 to 7pm. We did not receive any pay. I was not badly treated when out at work and never heard of anyone being forced to make munitions. I was allowed to write two letters and four postcards a month. The first card I wrote was to the Red Cross informing them of my change of address, and it was in answer to this card that my parcels were sent to me at this camp instead of to Münster.
The food consisted of coffee in the morning before we went to work; at 10:30am a small piece of bread, seven men to the same-sized loaf as was divided between four men at Cambrai; 20:30 soup made from horse-radish, turnip tops, or occasionally dried vegetables, never any meat. There was a canteen where we could buy cigarettes, lemonade, etc., but no food. The prices were reasonable.
On leaving Minden every man was supposed to be fitted out with two shirts, two pairs under-pants, clogs, etc., and those who had not this amount of clothes had them made up to the requisite amount. Also, if our clothes were torn we were allowed to take them to the tailor’s shop, run by Russians, or if our boots required mending we could get a wooden bottom put on them. There is practically no leather in the country. Before being so fitted out, the men were going about in rags, and I would not have this time to go through again for anything, and I am perfectly certain that all the men who were with me at this camp at this time would never forget the hard times which ensued. All the men at the camp nearly were men who had at some time or other been kept at work behind the western front.
There were no facilities for exercise, and even if there had been we should not have had the strength to avail ourselves of them. Smoking was allowed, this is, if we could get anything to smoke, but as we were not getting paid for our work and were not receiving any parcels, naturally, it was not often that we had anything to smoke. Occasionally the French gave us a cigarette. The French prisoners were in a much better condition than ourselves for the simple reason that the French Government made a point of sending reserve supplies of biscuits to every camp in Germany for their prisoners, and in this way even new arrivals at a camp are not long without food. Of course, this is well at the beginning, but I do not think the British would like their system substituted for this; it is worth waiting a few weeks for parcels to get a decent supply of nutritious varied foods at the end of that time. Besides this, if the British Government sent out parcels of biscuits for the English prisoners, the Germans would only confiscate half of them. It is quite a common thing to see a German Sentry walking round with his pocket full of French biscuits, which must have been stolen from their supplies.
There was never any epidemic in the camp. I was inoculated five times and vaccinated once. There was a camp hospital, and I believe that those prisoners who went there were well treated; but as I was never in it myself, I cannot say much about it. A lance-corporal of the Australians held a religious service on Sunday evenings. The general treatment was not good. If anyone was seen loafing about the cookhouse even, they would be sure to be chased by a guard with a bayonet. The prisoners got frightfully hungry here, and were reduced to eating potato peelings. Sometimes in the soup were a kind of black pea. If any of these were left at the bottom of the pot, they were thrown out among the ashes, and it was a common sight to see prisoners rummaging over the ashes hoping to find some of these peas. As I have said before, this was a punishment camp, but the only punishment meted out was starvation. All nationalities were treated alike, and I never noticed any attempt by the Germans to create bad blood between the different races. We had two roll-calls a day, and the punishment for not being on parade to time or standing strictly at attention was three days’ cells on bread and water. The British here had a very good name for keeping discipline. I never saw the Dutch Ambassador, and never noticed any cases of insanity.
Journey. July 9th 1917
On the 9th July 1917, with nine other British prisoners, I was sent to Aplerbeck, near Dortmund. The journey lasted about four hours, and we were well treated by our guards. We were in ordinary third-class passenger carriages.
Aplerbeck. July 9-Oct 8 1917
On arrival at Aplerbeck (parent camp, Sennelager) I found two other Englishmen and 73 French. We were accommodated in an old theatre. We were all right for beds and blankets, and generally the accommodation was very good. The washing facilities, both as regards washing ourselves and washing our clothes, were excellent. The heating and sanitary arrangements were also all right. There was a cookhouse where we could make coffee or cook the contents of our parcels, etc.
I do not know the name of the commandant or the second in command. There were only five sentries at this camp, with a lance-corporal in charge. The lance-corporal was not bad in the ordinary way, but if he got an idea that a man was trying to get away, he got very disagreeable and strict; and again, if a man reported sick but he did not think he was ill, he would force him to go to work.
There was no outside yard where we could walk about or exercise; there was only a tiny garden wired in. The employment comprised making bricks. When we first went on this working party the work was light. The Germans knew we were too weak to do any hard work, as was proved by the fact that as soon as we commenced getting our parcels our quota of work was raised. We left the barracks at 6 a.m. and worked to 12, then we walked back to the barracks, had half an hour for dinner, and then back again to work, starting at 1:30 p.m. until 7 p.m. The payment for this work was 50 pfennigs a day, paid in camp money. If we were caught with any German money at any time there was sure to be trouble and punishment. I never heard of anyone being forced to make munitions. The German lance-corporal in charge told me that the 40,000 or 50,000 British prisoners which they held in Germany were much more trouble than the 2,000,000 Russian and French prisoners put together. There is no doubt the British are treated the worst: other nationalities are not kept under control nearly so strictly as are the British, but at the same time, there is no doubt, that the British prisoners are the most respected. Even if the British are threatened with rifles and revolvers, they would not consent to do any munitions work. After we got our parcels from Sennelager an order came through from that camp saying that each prisoner was expected to make 5,00 bricks a day, and if that number was not finished by 7 o’clock we were to be kept until they were done. A comfortable day’s work consisted of making 3,000 bricks, and when we heard about this new order we refused to do more than 3,000; in consequence we were kept at the works until 9 or 10 o’clock at night, and turned out at the same time the next morning, so that at last we had to give in, and then the work was very hard. Just before I escaped we were told that on the 16th October we should be shifted from brickmaking and be sent into the coal mine, where we should work all winter. Brickmaking is too cold a job for the winter, as it means keeping one’s hands in water nearly all day.
I was issued with one pair of trousers because mine were so badly torn, but I was the only Englishman who got anything. Smoking was allowed. There was never any endemic; if anyone went sick they had to visit the doctor in Aplerbeck, and if anyone was seriously ill they were sent to Dülmen. I went to the doctor (whose name I do not know) with a smashed finger, but he did nothing for it and did not even bandaged it up. He could not give me any medicines, as he hadn’t any. We had no religious services here. We were allowed to write two letters and four postcards a month. On our cards the camp was given as Sennelager.
Just before I left, parcels which had been sent to me to Wahn in June began to come through; at least, I received all but three, and it is possible that if I had not escaped when I did I should have had those three, as the night before I left an invoice came through from Sennelager saying what parcels were coming through, and for whom, and my name was down for five parcels. All parcels were censored at Sennelager and then sent on to Aplerbeck, where they were again censored in our presence. As a rule they came through intact, and nothing was confiscated, with the exception that the week before I left two parcels arrived which had been directed straight to Sennelager, and both these had been tampered with. When our parcels came through they were opened in front of us; the tins were opened and the contents put out on to our plates, the tins which we did not then require being put away separately. Also, all string and paper was kept. Sometimes cigarettes are taken out of the parcels, and occasionally a tin of milk or cocoa would be gone, but the principal thing which is lost is soap. With regard to the parcels, my opinion is that the British are all very satisfied with the parcels, and they are so good that I cannot make any suggestions for a great improvement; the only thing I would suggest is now that the winter is coming on, more ‘Quaker’ oats and rice should be sent in the place of soup tablets. About the best thing in the parcels useful for taking away when escaping is Liebig’s ‘Pork loaf.’ As a rule, prisoners getting away exchange some of their food with the French for their biscuits. During the whole time I was a prisoner I received no bread from Switzerland. I got biscuits, and these, although very hard, were very good, and certainly preferable to bread in summer-time. When a man escaped all parcels in the camp were stopped until the authorities heard either that he had been re-caught, or had crossed the frontier. As far as possible, men planning to get away gave the word round, the result being that the remaining prisoners would hoard up supplies to last them until definite news was received. If supplies were held up and news came through at 5 o’clock that a man had been re-caught or had got into Holland, by 6 o’clock the parcels were again being distributed. When I got my parcels I received clothing also sent from home. A German will offer 80 marks for a pair of boots and 7 or 8 marks for a tablet of soap.
As regards the general treatment, I have no particular complaints to make. The usual punishment was standing at attention with one’s face to a wall for three or four hours at a stretch. This punishment was given for refusing to work or not working hard enough.
I never noticed any cases of insanity, although just near where we were working on the brickfields there was an asylum where I was told there were about 1,000 inmates, British, French and Russian prisoners, and also a number of Germans. I was never asked to assume German nationality. I never noticed any improvement in the treatment of prisoners, excepting just after leaving the western front I found things much easier in the German camps. The only place I have heard of where prisoners are not allowed to write or receive letters is behind the line on the Russian front. I did not come into contact with any of these prisoners, but it was generally rumoured.
On the brickfield where I was working we were all prisoners, with the exception of the master in charge, who showed us how to make bricks. He was a man of about 45 years of age and looked as if he was receiving plenty of food. I think he was a fairly rich man, as he had two pigs. He threatened to shoot me twice, because I was not working hard enough. He was a married man with a wife, two daughters and one son, who whilst I was at Aplerbeck came home from the front on leave. Sometimes I talked a little with the civilians who passed by the brickworks, and occasionally the children would bring us a couple of apples and ask us if we had a pot of fat to give them or a piece of soap. The civilian population of Germany are undoubtedly in a bad way; every Saturday morning they line up for meat, and they can only get food by tickets; this also applies to clothes. I could not talk much German; I could speak a little, and some of the Germans could speak broken English, and we managed to make one another understand. Of course, the civilians are thoroughly under the thumb of the military, and if they do not work they don’t get any food. Women in Germany are doing all kinds of hard work, and it is a very rare thing to see a young man.
In August this year our bread ration was decreased, as also was that of the civilian population, but they were promised that it would be raised again in December to its normal rate.
The guards we had looking after us behind the lines were men who had been wounded but who were fit for service again, and some of them told us that as soon as we left Cambrai they had to go back to fight. The guards in Germany, however, are all men who are totally unfit to go back to the front, or else they are composed of civilians distinguished by a band round the arm or young boys about 16; one of the guards at Aplerbeck had a wooden leg. In August it was rumoured that about 9,000 lads of 17 had been called up for service. I never heard of any riots or strikes.
Escape. Oct 8th 1917
On the 8th October, with Private Frank Gannon, of the Lancashire Fusiliers, I escaped from Germany, and crossed the Dutch frontier on the 13th October 1917.
Opinion of Examiner
Very intelligent, well educated and above the average; not at all inclined to exaggerate, and all he said, in my opinion, can be relied upon. He was emphatic in his praise of the way the French and English prisoners get on together.
B.L. Anstruther, Colonel.
November 7th 1917
To illustrate Edward’s escape, this modern map highlights the position of the Aplerbeck camp near Dortmund. The Dutch border is indicated by a black line to the left. There are 107km (66 miles) between Aplerbeck and Venlo.
Kippax Roll of Honour 